Mayor Turner Announces City of Houston’s Participation in the National Memorial to Lives Lost to COVID-19
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MLK Day: When we show up, we have the power

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SECOND COVID-19 VACCINATION MEGA SITE SCHEDULED FOR MINUTE MAID PARK
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Houston City Council Approves Largest Brownfield Solar Project in the Nation
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Houston Drive-Thru Clinic to Offer COVID-19 Vaccine to 13,000
The state of Texas is on a fast track to vaccinating as many residents as possible for COVID-19 in the coming months with major efforts coming from the county and city levels. The state’s most populous city, Houston, has joined the track, making the promise to vaccinate 13,000 people this week.
The large vaccination event will be held Thursday through Sunday at NRG Park, a large complex that’s home to NRG Stadium, where the Houston Texans play. The drive-thru clinic is being organized by Memorial Hermann, a Houston-based hospital system.
The vaccine will only be administered to pre-registered individuals who have been invited to participate in the hospital system and have an appointment.
Texas is currently vaccinating 1A and 1B populations, including health care workers, people 65 and older, and those with medical conditions that put them at greater risk of hospitalization and death from COVID-19.
“We also hope to host more events like this in the near future as we continue to make vaccination available to all those who are eligible and eventually to all patients and members of the community. The speed at which we can move through additional populations will be determined by continued and/or increased vaccine supply,” Memorial Hermann said in a statement.
Texas has seen record-breaking numbers of hospitalizations and cases coinciding with the nation’s alerting numbers. As of Wednesday, the Lone Star State is the second state after California to surpass 2 million COVID-19 cases.
In response to frustrations over a slow and often confusing rollout of vaccines over the past month, Texas is shifting from its original model of using thousands of smaller vaccine providers to large-scale “vaccination hubs” that can process thousands of shots per day.
Texas is one of several states opening football stadiums, major league ballparks, fairgrounds, and convention centers to inoculate a larger and more diverse pool of people.
In Houston, Mayor Sylvester Turner said more than 3,800 people were vaccinated this past weekend at Minute Maid Park, where the Houston Astros play baseball. Turner said Houston could move faster if it had more vaccine supply.
The state’s other large cities like Dallas, San Antonio, and Austin have also created vaccination hubs and makeshift hospitals to accommodate the surging number of cases across the state.
Mayor Turner, Houston Public Library, and Mayor’s Office of Cultural Affairs Announce Search for Houston’s Next Poet Laureate
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Answering the massive questions driving this James Harden trade
In the end, the Houston Rockets didn’t get the blue-chip young player they boasted they would receive in return for James Harden — the second-greatest player in franchise history, behind only Hakeem Olajuwon, and one of the league’s all-time best scorers.
Victor Oladipo, acquired in exchange for Caris LeVert as part of this monstrosity, does not quite qualify. Oladipo is almost 29, two years and one major leg injury removed from his only All-NBA season. He has looked more like his old self this season; he is getting to the rim at a pre-injury level. But he also is eligible for free agency this summer, when there will be oodles more cap space than available stars. It’s not out of the realm of possibility the Rockets will have to pay Oladipo the maximum salary, or something close, to retain him — if they want to when the alternative is potential cap space.
LeVert doesn’t have Oladipo’s track record, and he was off to a blah shooting started as a supporting actor in the most predictable soap opera in basketball. But he is more than two years younger than Oladipo and has shown — including during the bubble — that he might be ready for a larger scoring role. He is on a decent contract for three seasons — one that would have carried positive trade value for the Rockets had they decided to flip LeVert later on.
Houston isn’t wrong to bet Oladipo will be better for the next three seasons. I still might rather have LeVert. For the Indiana Pacers, nabbing LeVert in exchange for a player who was likely leaving anyway is a huge win. Oladipo’s future with Indiana has been murky, to say the least, since talks about a potential extension went nowhere before last season. LeVert has a broadly similar skill set to that of Oladipo and fits alongside Malcolm Brogdon, Domantas Sabonis, and Myles Turner.
There are two questions that really matter about the Harden megadeal:
• Did Houston get enough?
• Did the Brooklyn Nets improve their championship odds enough to justify the massive pile of draft assets they forked over: three unprotected first-round picks and four unprotected swaps, a bounty that sustains through 2027 — when Harden, Kevin Durant, and Kyrie Irving will be ancient (by NBA standards) or retired?
The answers, from here, are “yes” and “maybe, but I’m wary because, umm, defense.”
That is an enormous amount of draft equity. Enormous. I don’t care how good the team is now, or how good it projects to be in 2023, dealing that many unprotected draft assets that far into the future is a giant risk. It can ruin your franchise for years. If you don’t win at least one championship, the trade can go down as a bust — even if you win 60 games a bunch of times, and breach the inner circle of contenders every year.
That draft equity is a strong return for the Rockets. Is it stronger than Ben Simmons by himself? To be clear, I don’t know precisely what the Rockets and Philadelphia 76ers discussed, what the Sixers offered, or whether they even made an ironclad offer in the end. Reconstructing trade talks at the moment is maddening. Maybe one team, or both, got too cute haggling over whatever young players and/or draft picks Philadelphia might attach to Simmons. I feel confident saying this: The Rockets could have had Ben Simmons if they wanted him. They apparently decided they preferred the mother lode of picks from Brooklyn. Maybe they got greedy in negotiations with Philly.
Time will tell if they were right. Simmons is a great player coming off an All-NBA and All-Defensive season. He is 24, and he provides an identity upon walking in the door: Run like hell and put shooters around him.
Building a good version of such a team would have taken Houston years. And even if you construct one, it’s unclear if Simmons can ascend into being the best player on a title team. I’m dubious, though the designation is more fluid than people would like. Few conceived of Jimmy Butler as being in that circle, but the Miami Heat came within two wins of a title despite multiple injuries in the NBA Finals.
The Rockets decided they’d rather (basically) start over. You need picks to do that, and the Rockets had flung away two — plus two swaps — in the disastrous Chris Paul-for-Russell Westbrook deal. They get more back here. They are shorting the Nets’ future, wagering on a train wreck. Can you blame them given the train’s current status?
Of course, trading Simmons down the line could have brought Houston some picks — though likely not this same bounty. And even with this trade return, the Rockets still can’t compete with the Oklahoma City Thunder and the New Orleans Pelicans — fat with picks — for the next disgruntled superstar (should either of those teams decide to get in on that fun).
Either way, Houston has come out well here.
Back to the Nets. They also gave up three rotation players, including a rising rim protector and ferocious rim runner in Jarrett Allen. (The Cleveland Cavaliers are an undisputed winner for turning a lousy Milwaukee Bucks first-round pick into Allen, even if they already have so many centers that they are playing Dean Wade — look him up — at shooting guard in spot minutes.)
From the moment the Nets acquired Irving and Durant, they faced an existential dilemma many championship hopefuls have navigated in many different ways: depth or a third star, Big 2 or Big 3?
It is the question that keeps GMs up at night — makes them queasy. There is no universal answer. If your Big 2 are Shaquille O’Neal and Kobe Bryant, or Michael Jordan and Scottie Pippen, perhaps you roll with a deeper and more flexible roster behind two top-five overall players.
Irving has never been a top-five player. Right now, he’s not actually playing at all. The clock was also ticking on Brooklyn’s depth. Allen is eligible for a big, new deal this summer. Spencer Dinwiddie, a likely ingredient in any blockbuster of this sort before tearing his ACL last month, has a player option for next season. Teams often trade depth for stars because the depth is about to become too expensive to keep all of it.
Perhaps that was not of concern to Joseph Tsai, the Nets governor and one of the wealthiest humans. If Tsai was willing to swallow huge luxury tax bills year after year, Brooklyn could have run almost a dozen deep in quality NBA players around its centerpiece stars.
But no amount of depth compensates for an ill-timed injury to a superstar. Lose one superstar in the playoffs and any two-star team is toast. Acquiring a third star fortifies the Nets against an injury to Irving or Harden. An injury to Durant might destroy any title hopes, considering the team right now has two players with any experience at power forward (Durant and Jeff Green, who is somehow always around NBA history, like a backup singer to the stars) and one solitary experienced center (the recently benched DeAndre Jordan.)
Acquiring Harden also opens the possibility of trading Irving at some point to recoup depth and draft picks (if he rebuilds his trade value). It is a hedge against Irving vanishing.
Will the James Harden trade work out for the Nets?
Tony Kornheiser and Pablo S. Torre break down the long-term ramifications of James Harden being traded to the Nets.
As of now, the Nets have nine proven or semi-proven NBA rotation players: their new Big 3, plus Joe Harris (a perfect fit anywhere), Jordan, Green, Bruce Brown, Landry Shamet, and Timothe Luwawu-Carrot. Some might include Tyler Johnson, but he has been more or less bound to the bench for the past two seasons. Three of those guys — Brown, Luwawu-Cabarrot, and Shamet — are mostly untested on the biggest stages.
It’s a thin team, but the Nets can carve a workable rotation out of it. They will find another center. They should dominate the buyout market. Stars win in the postseason.
They are going to be impossible to guard. I’m more optimistic about the fit on offense than those snarking about how Brooklyn’s three stars can possibly share one ball. That’s a real concern. There will be growing pains. Irving has to buy into a third option role after winning a title as LeBron James’ No. 2.
But Durant is the most malleable superstar in NBA history, playing at his old MVP level again. He can do everything, on and off the ball. He has always been content toggling between one-on-one plays and everything else: scurrying around pin downs, screening for other dominant ball handlers, spacing the floor.
Harden should supersede Irving as Brooklyn’s lead ball-handler. He is just better. He will have to pivot from James-ball back to regular basketball. Harden won’t be able to dribble endlessly into 15 step-back 3s every night. He will have to, like, move his body and limbs when he doesn’t have the ball. Maybe set some screens.
Doubt over whether Harden can rewire his game crept into discussions within teams on the fringes: Boston, Denver, Toronto, Miami, Portland, others. At go time, none was really a contender to get him, sources said. Boston wasn’t trading Jaylen Brown, according to sources. Portland wasn’t going to include CJ McCollum — a beloved player currently raining fire across the league — in any deal construction that approached Houston’s desire to strip teams of picks and young players, sources said.
Harden’s listless play and off-court flouting of both Houston’s training camp schedule and the league’s coronavirus protocols had several within those teams wondering if Harden — at age 31, two years from free agency — was worth upending their franchises. He will perk up. You watch: We are going to see peak Harden pouring in 40 very soon.
But what would happen if anything was not to his liking — if he grew weary of their coach, or soured on yet another superstar teammate? Would he pout and carouse? It was entirely predictable — I have discussed it in several podcasts and columns dating back months — that Simmons would be the only blue-chip young player available to Houston.
Some grappled over whether any Harden deal would leave enough talent for them to win the title in the next two years. That is the window we are talking about here. For all the talk in the media over whether Harden would re-sign in 2022 with whatever team acquired him, that extended timeline was of little concern to a lot of teams poking around. Any deal for Harden would have been about winning today.
That is what made Philly such an intriguing fit. Joel Embiid is almost 27, playing like an MVP. When engaged and in shape, he is maybe the best defensive player in the NBA — an ideal cover for Harden’s weak spots. The Harden-Embiid duo would have fit complications to work through on offense, but the Harden version of the Sixers probably has a better chance to win the 2021 title than the current one. If Houston’s ask was as big as has been speculated elsewhere, Philly can feel OK demurring. Maybe there was no price that would have made Tilman Fertitta, the Rockets’ governor, comfortable trading Harden to Daryl Morey. If Houston’s reported demands are exaggerated, the Sixers have to wonder if they haggled themselves out of a deal they should have made. (My best intel suggests Houston was at least signaling it would have taken much more than Simmons in players and picks to beat Brooklyn’s offer.)
Teams confident in their ability to contend with Harden then asked themselves whether he would rise to the occasion when it mattered — if he would commit to the grimy things that win in the playoffs. Harden’s postseason résumé is not as bad as his harshest critics conceive of it. It’s also not what you would expect from a player of his caliber. It is almost devoid of signature moments since his 3-pointer turned the 2012 Western Conference finals between the Thunder and San Antonio Spurs.
Dig deep into Harden’s postseason record and you will find a disproportionate number of his best games came with Houston down 3-0 or hopelessly overmatched — that many late-game scoring flurries came with Houston far behind in the waning seconds, and sometimes with the opponent conceding layups. You will also, somehow, find three 2-of-11 shooting performances in super-high-leverage games.
Harden redefined the boundaries of basketball in Houston. He wasn’t the most enjoyable player to watch, but the strategic implications of his game made him among the most interesting. And playing his way, the Rockets in 2018 came within a whisker of derailing the Golden State Warriors dynasty and maybe winning it all.
But they didn’t, and both the Rockets and Harden disappointed in several other postseasons — including in falling flat on their faces against the Warriors in 2019 (with Durant injured late in Game 5 and the deciding Game 6) and against the Los Angeles Lakers last season. The Nets provide his latest chance, and maybe his last, to write a meaningful postseason story.
House impeaches Trump a second time — with 10 Republicans on board
Donald Trump became the first president in U.S. history to be impeached twice, as a bipartisan House majority Wednesday voted to charge him with inciting insurrection by his supporters, who stormed the Capitol to block ratification of Joe Biden’s electoral victory.
It was a defining moment that will probably eclipse any perceived policy accomplishments of Trump’s presidency — such as his tax cuts, deregulation of business, and remaking of the federal judiciary — and illustrated how far he has fallen in the year since his last impeachment and trial when all but one Republican in Congress stood by him.
The 232-197 House vote Wednesday came exactly one week after the Capitol suffered its most violent assault since the British burned it in the War of 1812.
One casualty of last week’s Capitol siege seemed to be Trump’s iron grip on the Republican Party. In the final vote, 10 Republicans, including No. 3 GOP leader Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming, joined all 222 Democrats in approving one article of impeachment.
The charge against Trump now goes to the Senate, where a trial will not be held until after Trump leaves office on Jan. 20. A post-presidency conviction would be too late to cut short his term in office, but it could be followed by a vote on a measure to bar Trump from running again for president.
The emotional House debate split lawmakers not so much over whether Trump was to blame for the violence, but over whether he should be impeached with just one week left in his presidency.
“The president of the United States incited this insurrection and this armed rebellion,” Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) said in a Capitol still reeling from last week’s siege, now safeguarded by more military troops than are currently stationed in Afghanistan. “He must go. He is a clear and present danger to the nation we all love.”
House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Bakersfield) voted against impeachment, but for the first time publicly blamed Trump for the insurrection.
“The president bears responsibility for Wednesday’s attack on Congress by mob rioters,” he said on the House floor. “He should have immediately denounced the mob when he saw what was unfolding.”
In a major break with the president he has loyally served for four years, a furious Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) is considering supporting Trump’s conviction when it comes to a trial in the Senate, according to sources familiar with his thinking.
In a memo to GOP colleagues Wednesday, McConnell did not deny widespread reports about his openness to conviction. “I have not made a final decision on how I will vote and I intend to listen to the legal arguments when they are presented to the Senate,” he said.
If McConnell came down in favor of conviction, it could open a path for other Republicans to seize an opportunity to make a clean break with an increasingly unpopular and erratic president.
The fast-moving scene of political tumult is an appropriate coda for a Trump career that has broken precedent, norms, and laws at every turn. Even in the Senate, Republicans are beginning to envision what was unthinkable just days ago: that there might be enough votes to produce the two-thirds majority needed to convict Trump, although most likely not until he is out of office.
If McConnell ultimately supported the conviction, members of his leadership team would probably follow the leader’s vote. Other Republicans have already signaled openness, including Sens. Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylvania and Ben Sasse of Nebraska. Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah was the only Republican to support conviction last year.
Timing is a wild card, and McConnell on Wednesday rejected a request by Senate Democratic leader Charles E. Schumer of New York that they invoke emergency powers to bring the Senate back into session.
In a statement released after the House vote, McConnell noted that the Senate’s past impeachment trials took 21, 37, and 83 days.
“There is simply no chance that a fair or serious trial could conclude before President-elect Biden is sworn in next week,” he said. “Even if the Senate process were to begin this week and move promptly, no final verdict would be reached until after President Trump had left office. This is not a decision I am making; it is a fact.”
Schumer, who will succeed McConnell as majority leader, issued his own statement committing to a Senate vote on Trump’s impeachment, saying a trial could start immediately.
Biden worried that a full-time impeachment trial would distract from his administration’s ability to get Cabinet nominations confirmed and his legislative agenda started, has discussed with McConnell the idea of “bifurcating” the Senate’s business to accommodate both a trial and his agenda. Alan Frumin, a former Senate parliamentarian, said he saw no obstacle in Senate rules to doing so.
In a statement released after the House vote, Biden said: “I hope that the Senate leadership will find a way to deal with their constitutional responsibilities on impeachment while also working on the other urgent business of this nation.”
Although there was some talk of the House postponing the delivery of the impeachment article to the Senate to avoid slowing Biden’s start, House Majority Leader Steny H. Hoyer (D-Md.) told reporters Wednesday that it would be transferred as soon as possible. House Democrats are steadfastly opposed to a delay, arguing that Trump poses a danger while he is in office.
To those who argued that there was not enough time to finish the process before Trump leaves office, Hoyer said as the House debate opened, “Is there little time left? Yes. But it is never too late to do the right thing.”
Sending a message of defiance to last week’s pro-Trump mob, Pelosi appeared late Wednesday at a lectern that had been stolen in the melee and later returned. Signing the impeachment measure to prepare it for delivery to the Senate, she said: “Today in a bipartisan way the House demonstrated that no one is above the law, not even the president of the United States.”
After the House vote, Trump released a video statement that attempted to distance himself from the Capitol attack but made no mention of impeachment.
“Mob violence goes against everything I believe in, and everything our movement stands for. No true supporter of mine could ever support political violence,” he said in the video, which was recorded in the Oval Office. He asked his supporters to be “thinking of ways to ease tensions, calm tempers, and help to promote peace in our country.”
The day had begun with Trump uncharacteristically silent, his White House barely attempting to defend him against the charge that his speech to thousands of supporters rallying near the Capitol incited them to march on the building to “fight” as the House and Senate were convening for the usual routine counting of electoral college votes to ratify Biden’s victory.
There were no administration briefings or statements opposing the impeachment. Top advisors were absent from television networks. The president’s once-powerful Twitter account was still silenced, shut off days ago over concerns that he could use it to incite more violence. It was a sign of how isolated the president has become since the mob attack on the Capitol. He was on track to end his presidency just as his long-shot presidential campaign began in 2015: at odds with many members of his own party.
The House debate began in a setting that spoke more to the exigencies of the moment — the ongoing pandemic and continuing security concerns in the wake of the Capitol siege — than to the historic nature of the day.
The Capitol complex was wrapped in a level of security far higher than last week, surrounded by new fencing and populated with thousands of law enforcement officers and troops from several agencies. National Guard troops bivouacked overnight inside the Capitol, sleeping on the cold marble floors.
Lawmakers and staff were required to walk through magnetometers to gain entrance to the chamber, although some resisted the screening devices. Only about 20 people — wearing masks and keeping the social distance — were on the House floor when the debate was called to order.
Still, the weight of history hung over the debate as the House approved a presidential impeachment for only the fourth time since the founding.
“What each of us chooses to do today, whether we vote to hold this president to account or look the other way, we will be remembered by history, by our children and their children,” Rep. Mike Levin (D-San Juan Capistrano) said.
“We are debating this historic measure at an actual crime scene, and we wouldn’t be here if it weren’t for the president of the United States,” Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) said.
Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), one of Trump’s most loyal allies, did not defend the president but portrayed the impeachment effort as part of a broad Democratic effort to undercut or “cancel” Trump’s presidency from the day he was inaugurated.
“It’s always been about getting the president no matter what,” said Jordan, who has said he believed Cheney should be voted out of the leadership for supporting impeachment. “The cancel culture will come for us all.”
Some House Republicans were still visibly shaken by the insurrection in their workplace only a week ago.
“If you work in this building every day, [Wednesday’s attack] is much more difficult to process given the nature of this building and the deep respect for it, the deep love. That’s the jarring part for members,” said Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), a member of leadership.
Still, he said most Republicans perceived the impeachment drive to be based on politics, pointing to speculation that House Democrats might hold the article of impeachment until some of Biden’s Cabinet can be approved.
That “tells me they’ve thought through the threat of imminent dangers and this is now political calculation they’ve made on the impeachment vote. That really belies the political nature of it,” he said.
Republicans had political calculations of their own: Many come from safe GOP-dominated districts where their top political threat comes not from a Democratic opponent but from a GOP primary challenge if they cross Trump supporters.
Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler (R-Wash.), one of the Republicans who voted for impeachment, shrugged off that political threat.
“I’m not afraid of losing my job, but I am afraid that my country will fail,” she said. “My vote to impeach our sitting president is not a fear-based decision. I am not choosing aside; I am choosing truth. It’s the only way to defeat fear.”
In her first speech on the House floor, freshman Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) said she sent her children home Monday after she was sworn in, because she was afraid of the rhetoric leading up to Jan. 6.
Although she said of Trump, “I hold him accountable … for the attack last Wednesday,” Mace said she would not support impeachment because she believed it would divide the nation further.
Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) echoed that concern and said, “Rather than looking ahead to a new administration, the majority is again seeking to settle scores against the old one.”
The 10 House Republicans who voted for impeachment was a record level of support for impeachment from a president’s own party. In addition to Cheney, they were Herrera Beutler, Fred Upton of Michigan, Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, Anthony Gonzalez of Ohio, John Katko of New York, Dan Newhouse of Washington, Tom Rice of South Carolina, Peter Meijer of Michigan, and David Valadao of Hanford, Calif.
When the House voted in 1868 to impeach Andrew Johnson, no Democrats supported the move. When Bill Clinton was impeached in 1998, five Democrats joined with Republicans on three of the four counts against Clinton. No Republicans voted in favor of Trump’s first impeachment in December 2019, though Utah’s Romney voted to convict on one count in the Senate trial.
Houston Rockets trade James Harden to Nets in 4-team blockbuster deal
The Houston Rockets have reportedly granted James Harden’s wish, trading their MVP-level superstar to the Brooklyn Nets.
The Rockets have agreed to send Harden to his desired destination as part of a complicated four-team deal that also involves the Cleveland Cavaliers and Indiana Pacers.
Houston will get Brooklyn’s three unprotected first-round picks in 2022, 2024, and 2026, as well as pick swaps in 2021, 2023, 2025, and 2027. The Rockets will also get Cleveland’s 2022 first-round pick that the Cavs acquired from the Milwaukee Bucks.
Houston’s haul also includes players from the Cavs, Nets, and Pacers, headlined by Indiana’s former All-Star, Victor Oladipo.
The Rockets will acquire:
- Pacers guard Victor Oladipo, who is being traded to Houston in exchange for forwarding Caris Levert, whom the Rockets acquired for Harden.
- Cavaliers guard Dante Exum
- Nets forward Rodions Kurucs
The Rockets have yet to make the trade official.
The report comes after Harden did not practice with the Rockets on Wednesday.
Coach Stephen Silas just told reporters it’s best for everyone involved that Harden stayed away from the practice.
Holding Harden out of game action would be the final step in any trade as the Rockets will protect him from an injury that would make trade impossible.
The Rockets have held firm in their demand for young talent and a group of first round draft picks in exchange for Harden. Everyone in the NBA understands the time to make an offer is now.